
On March 2nd, Rauner Fellow MazKenzie Wilson gave a presentation titled “Greed is Good: The Development of a Reagan-era Youth Conservative Movement as Led by The Dartmouth Review.” Naturally, this caught the attention of The Review staff, as the paper is not unfamiliar with repeated attempts by what can charitably be referred to as scholars and their attempts to characterize the history of The Review. Sadly for Dartmouth, it appears as if this presentation suffers from the many mischaracterizations and outright fabrications that plague many of the so-called historical accounts of The Review.
For starters, the presentation omits or misrepresents several important events in the paper’s history. Just to name a few, Wilson erroneously recounts The Review’s early incidents with William Cole’s Music 2 class by Laura Ingraham, conveniently leaving out the fact that Cole confronted Ingraham, a young college student, at her dorm room, alarming her roommates, and acting deranged. Wilson, furthermore, argued that Dartmouth indicated a willingness to “allow” The Review to continue using Dartmouth in its name, leaving out the fact that Dartmouth had exhausted all legal options in its frivolous lawsuit against The Review’s name, in which it was pointed out that numerous businesses in the Hanover area were using the College’s name themselves. Moreover, Wilson took several minutes to describe the inserting of lines from Mein Kampf in an issue in an early ’90s issue of The Review, neglecting to mention, until questioned by a Review staffer, the fact that The Review claimed sabotage of the paper, and attempted to work closely with the Adminsitration to locate the sabateur, an entreaty which was rejected by then-President Friedman.
That larger problem of misdirected interpretation was reflected elsewhere in the presentation, which also struggled with historical accuracy in its treatment of The Dartmouth Review, especially regarding the highly publicized clash between Laura Ingraham and Professor Bill Cole. The fellow presented a heavily skewed narrative, claiming that The Review had secretly recorded Cole without his consent. But as Ingraham herself made clear during her recent visit to Dartmouth, a visit the fellow admitted she missed because she was “out of town,” the recording took place at a fully public event. The presentation likewise attributed The Review’s successful $300,000 legal defense fundraising campaign solely to wealthy “conservative alumni,” while conveniently omitting the actual catalyst for that support: Cole’s own conduct. According to Ingraham’s recollection, Cole appeared at her dorm room on a Saturday morning, demanding an apology, then spent his next class calling her every swear word in the book.
Mackenzie Wilson concluded her presentation with a slide condemning the “pessimistic” tone of conservatism espoused by The Dartmouth Review. During the Q&A, a staffer asked whether she meant to contrast a pessimistic conservatism with an optimistic conservatism, or whether she viewed conservatism itself as inherently pessimistic. Her response was measured, if brief. She said that she regarded Reagan’s movement as optimistic, and that the conservative movement after his presidency had soured into pessimism.
There is some truth in that intuition, but it misidentifies the real object of conservative pessimism. Consider Reagan’s 1964 “A Time for Choosing” speech endorsing Barry Goldwater. On its face, the speech is pessimistic, but its pessimism is directed squarely at the excesses of the federal government. After criticizing high taxes and even higher spending, Reagan addressed this very charge: “Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we’re denounced as being against their humanitarian goals. They say we’re always ‘against’ things — we’re never ‘for’ anything.” The liberal policies Reagan criticized often sound noble in principle, which makes them difficult to attack rhetorically. But their contribution to fraud, waste, abuse, scarcity, poverty, and decline is difficult not to view pessimistically. That is why conservatism is so often called pessimistic: it is critical of an oversized federal bureaucracy precisely because it believes that bureaucracy stands in the way of a better, more hopeful future for Americans.
After all, it is conservatives who continue to affirm American exceptionalism and the rule of law, rather than seeing racism and discrimination around every corner and seeking to dismantle nearly every institution imaginable. When Rand Paul visited campus at the end of last term, he polled the audience and found that an overwhelming majority believed America’s best days were still ahead. That is the future of the conservative movement we recognize: one that is hopeful about what lies ahead, but realistic about the difficulties of getting there. The only way out is through, and, as Reagan concluded, “You and I have a rendezvous with destiny.”
By leaving out these crucial details, the presentation raised serious questions about the credibility and thoroughness of the fellow’s research. If Rauner Library intends this fellowship to produce serious historical work, it should strongly consider extending it to two terms rather than one. With adequate time for more rigorous review, audiences might be spared a presentation that managed to pack nearly a dozen glaring misrepresentations into less than an hour.
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