An Ode to the New England Republican: Sen. Judd Gregg Talks Bipartisanship, Populism

On September 28, Judd Gregg graced Dartmouth with a talk entitled “Is the Senate Broken?” Gregg served New Hampshire on its Executive Council from 1979-81, as U.S. Congressman from the state’s second district in the ’80s, as the 76th governor, and finally as a U.S. Senator for eighteen years. In Washington, he became chairman of the powerful Budget and Health committees and was an influential powerbroker on key policies, ranging from banking to education. 

Gregg is part of New Hampshire’s once-influential Republican establishment. He is one of many moderate Granite State Republicans who once enjoyed great success, but who have since faded away as the GOP has drifted far from what it used to be. In fact, New England Republicans are now an almost-extinct group: Susan Collins remains the region’s sole federal legislator, and a recent triumvirate of New England Republican governors will soon be gone. Gregg came to Dartmouth, of course, as a remnant of old-school politics, and his warnings resembled those of other aged politicians who dread the decay of the nation’s politics.

Gregg began his talk in typical folksy-New Hampshire fashion, telling a story about the prominent Bass political family in the state. (The lecture series for which Gregg spoke is named for Perkins Bass, a Dartmouth alumnus and former congressman.) Gregg’s ability to trace state geography and family histories is characteristic of an older generation of Granite Staters, as anyone who has lived here long enough can appreciate. To be sure, Gregg is a New Hampshire man through-and-through (his father, Hugh, also served as governor). Nowadays, carpetbagging from Massachusetts is the norm. 

Gregg set the theme for the talk by questioning if American governance is broken and reminiscing on an “atmosphere of collegiality which once dominated the Senate.” He emphasized that partisanship is not new; of course, it dates back to Washington and was at its worst when Lincoln was saving the Union. What makes today different, he said, is that there is, in the aggregate, a neglect of the goal to govern. To my ears, this assessment rang true. His days in Washington were more diplomatic than the fanfare and circuses we now encounter. This is not to say that political chaos is a novel notion, either; but I don’t think it ever rose to the level of Republicans haphazardly ousting their own Speaker.  

The reasons that Gregg provided for the decline in American governance are not new to even the most casual of newsreaders, but they are all rational. First, he blamed gerrymandering for producing congressional maps that structurally promote hyperpartisanship and electorally block centrist candidates. As moderate Republicans know all too well, common-sense congressmen in stronghold districts are often forced out by fringe contingents. At any sign of compromise or bipartisanship, Gregg said, members are primaried out of their seats—sometimes, even, at the expense of the party’s control of the seat altogether. Former Congressmen Peter Meijer and Jaime Herrera Beutler are good examples. 

Second, and I think most importantly, Gregg blamed “virulent populism.” Gregg argued that Andrew Jackson, an infamous populist, provided the mold to which Trump aspired, and therefore Trump was the nation’s second populist president. It comes as no surprise, then, that the latter idolized the former. Gregg maintained that populism predominates on both the right and left. Given that Trumpism continues to dominate the GOP and the Democrats are, well, as progressive as ever, it is hard to contend with the former senator’s claims. He attributed the rise of populism to the ubiquity of social media (which might explain why someone like Vivek Ramaswamy can achieve so much in the polls). 

Gregg also blamed political decline on a fractured party system. Parties, he said, are inherently designed to encourage compromise. They are intended to bring disparate individuals together and form a platform under one tent, which in turn should work with the other party to negotiate and compromise. American government is now akin to European “stovepipe” administrations, which he accurately deemed “dysfunctional.” What we have now are “no longer parties but almost cults.” 

Finally, he lamented the rise of the regulatory state, which is unsurprising given that he belongs to the Republican old guard. Because Congress has become so debilitated, the “vacuum has been filled” by unelected people who regulate. Bureaucrats have become so powerful that not even the president can reign them in. Gregg astutely observed that the only thing standing between rogue regulators and the American people is the judiciary (that is, when avoiding rampant judicial activism). While it is Congress’s job to oversee the bureaucracy, its increased deference to the administrative state renders that duty obsolete. To be sure, there is undoubtedly a connection between good governance and conservatism. As Gregg appreciated, political dysfunction, by virtue of fierce populism, opens the door to progressive programs. 

Gregg named two specific policies that ought to be prioritized in government. First, he highlighted the federal budget deficit, which he said will inevitably translate to a significant reduction in standards of living. Fiscal issues have been a lasting priority for Gregg, who has long called for changes in spending practices. Second, he emphasized the need to adequately handle relations with China. To him, diplomacy is key; he observed, “You don’t go to war with a country that has a billion more people than you have.” Gregg opined that military intervention would be a disaster, and he argued that Americans must not “jingoize” the issue, while acknowledging his liberal use of the English language.

Following his initial statements, Gregg took questions from Kristin E. Smith, a member of the College’s Sociology Department who is associated with the Rockefeller Center, and from members of the audience. When asked about his role in the 2008 Emergency Economic Stabilization Act, Gregg underscored that bipartisan cooperation was key to the legislation. Despite alienating some legislators—Republicans opposed heavy spending, Democrats the bank bailout—the bill eventually passed, and a complete meltdown of the banking system was avoided. Gregg called it the “most startling event,” outside of 9/11, of his political career. 

Gregg was asked about the environment, and, sticking to message, he reinforced the need for inter-party collaboration. He recognized the reality of climate change but took aim at environmental activists on the left who irrationally oppose common-sense solutions. To Gregg, nuclear energy provides what wind, solar, and other alternative forms of power cannot. 

When asked about term limits, he acknowledged their appeal but noted the need for experienced legislators in Congress. He is by and large more concerned about the regulatory state, he said, and believes that veteran lawmakers are the only tools against a far-reaching bureaucracy. Naturally, he also signaled support for the filibuster, saying that its demise would result in a parliamentary, as opposed to a Madisonian, form of government. Abandoning the filibuster would completely undermine our structure of government. Gregg is, in every sense of the term, a diplomatic institutionalist. 

Gregg’s answers about polarization and leadership were unambiguously directed at Donald Trump. To Gregg, the only way to address the crisis of governance is through strong leaders. He admitted that “right now we are in a deficit of leaders.” When asked about the Republican Party overcoming its leadership issue, he gave sound advice: “Nominate someone other than Donald Trump.” He again compared the Republicans to a cult and said that one can “be ideological without being a divider.” Given that recent polls find Republican voters trust Trump more than their families and religious leaders, that is not an outlandish claim. But Gregg took aim at the Democrats, too. They have moved far to the left, he said, and have adopted “socialism, if we’re honest about it.” 

While he was refreshingly candid and reasonable, Gregg was far from the first to say these things. The problem is that these warnings have largely fallen on deaf ears. Trump will likely, in the face of his legal woes, end up as the Republican nominee for president. Leaders as Gregg describes them are few and far between. Moderate figures and statesmen of a forgotten tradition will continue to crusade against this new political culture, but it seems as though it is here to stay—for the time being. ‘So long’ to the steady fiscal management and judicious foreign policy of the New England Republican: We now enter the age of the Twitter zealot.